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53 pages 1 hour read

Walking with the Wind

Nonfiction | Autobiography / Memoir | Adult | Published in 1998

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Part 7Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 7, Chapter 19 Summary: “The New South”

The one good thing that happened at the end of 1968 was that Lewis married Lillian Miles, the love of his life and a fellow activist. Unable to have biological children, Lewis and Lillian adopted John-Miles in 1976. It was love at first sight for both Lewis and Lillian.

Participation in Bobby Kennedy’s campaign convinced Lewis that politics could show Black Americans in the South that it was both possible to elect representatives and become those representatives. Though President Johnson’s derailment of the MFDP destroyed many Black Southerners belief in the American political process, Lewis believed it was time to restore their faith. Local and state governments throughout the South now included some Black elected officials, but Lewis set his sights on sending a Black American to Washington, DC. He was convinced that Julian Bond, who by this point had served three years in Georgia’s statehouse, could become the first Black Representative.

Between 1970 and 1977, Lewis served as executive director of the Voter Education Project (VEP), which initially focused its efforts on providing financial support to groups focusing on securing civil rights for Black community members in the South. Lewis expanded the program’s mission to include services to other minority groups and people from low-income backgrounds. Alongside Bond, Lewis also launched Voter Mobilization Tours, which helped candidates running for office go door to door in communities encouraging residents to register to vote.

Through his experiences with VEP, Lewis learned more about the political process. Encouraged by friends, Lewis resigned from VEP in 1977 to campaign for Atlanta’s Fifth Congressional District seat. Though he lost, in his concession speech, Lewis declared that this was just the beginning for him.

Part 7, Chapter 20 Summary: “Old Ghosts”

Lewis discusses his second Congressional run. After winning Atlanta’s city council elections in 1981, after campaigning on “a platform based on the nurturing of an ethical, fair, and just biracial community” (456), Lewis helped Atlanta elect its first majority-Black city council. From the beginning, Lewis showed that he would keep his campaign commitments—he was one of the few city council members who voted against a highway that would divide and do damage to historic downtown neighborhoods and cause pollution.

Both Bond and Lewis decided to run for Georgia’s Fifth Congressional District seat in 1986. Having drifted apart, they two became bitter rivals during the 1986 campaign. Lewis’s staff doubted that he could win against Bond, who was beloved in Atlanta and around the nation. Bond outraised Lewis, while Lewis’s friends worried about his and Lillian’s financial situation. However, Lewis knew that people always underestimated him because of his background and quiet demeanor.

Lewis took his message of a fair biracial community all over Atlanta. In a debate with Julian Bond, “There were no knockout punches for either of us. And that in itself was a shock to Julian’s staff” (476). Julian’s staff assumed that Bond would demolish Lewis in the debate. After the debate, Bond’s lead slipped. Lewis won the election with 52 percent of the vote.

Part 7, Chapter 21 Summary: “Onward”

The principles of the CRM, including nonviolence, social justice, and a commitment to an interracial democracy, still guide Lewis in Congress after five reelections. To Lewis, the central concern of the government should be to meet the basic needs of all American citizens. He has tried to uphold this value during his years in Congress by supporting a range of legislation: funding for breast cancer research, laws to protect the environment, and opposition to wars and capital punishment.

Lewis strongly believes that volunteerism and action can heal the frustration that so many Americans feel. We should begin in our own neighborhoods: “this is where integration truly begins, not by government mandates, but by literally reaching over the fences around our own homes” (485). The alternative to reaching out is to allow the gaps to continue to grow. Allowing this, Lewis suggests, will lead to the destruction of American society.

Lewis argues that if government officials refuse to provide resources to communities, Americans must “vote them out” (489) and replace them with people who will follow their commitment to the masses. Because of his experiences with the CRM, Lewis believes that action, including voting, will force the government to respond.

Part 7 Analysis

Despite the trials and tribulations that Lewis experienced during the 1950s and 1960s, he never lost faith in a more just and healthier democratic society. For example, after the 1977 campaign, President Jimmy Carter appointed Lewis to serve as director of ACTION, a federal government agency in charge of volunteer service. Lewis’s “vision of poverty in this country was incredibly broadened and deepened by this job” (449). He had been aware of the conditions of Black and White men and women living in poverty in the South, but now saw for the first time the impoverished conditions that other minority groups around the country faced. Many of the people that Lewis encountered during his two years at ACTION felt ignored by the federal government. Frustrated with ACTION’s failure to serve the people, Lewis resigned. He did not give up on Washington, DC, though, and instead went back to Georgia to try to enter Congress so he could do something about the injustices he had seen. After battling his former friend Julian Bond for Georgia’s Fifth Congressional District, Lewis held this seat until his death in 2020.

Unlike the dark tone of Part 6, in which Lewis describes the collapse of the CRM and the assassinations of two great American leaders, the tone of the final part of his memoir is more hopeful and optimistic. Lewis is proud that the CRM reshaped American society for the better: “no one could suggest that the situation today, especially in the Deep South, is anything like it was a generation ago” (490). Lewis does not believe that the battle for human rights is over, especially when some politicians now call for a return to the "better days" before Johnson’s presidency, seemingly forgetting what that time was like “for Blacks, for the underprivileged, for women, for the disabled. Ask these people if they want to back to that time. Ask them about the “values” they faced during that time. Ask them how ‘valued’ they felt. Do we really want to go back to that?” (491).

Lewis firmly states that going backward will not solve our problems. To create a better society, we, everyday people, must stand up. We are not powerless or voiceless—rather, we have the capacity to come together to form another movement that addresses the injustices that still plague American society. If we fail to come together though, Lewis worries that we will relive history: “I feel that I’m passing down a road I’ve walked before. The anger, the militancy, the separatism, the schism both between Whites and Blacks and within the Black community itself—it’s all so familiar. It is eerie” (492). He ends his memoir urging Americans to “move our feet, our hands, our hearts, our resources to build and not to tear down, to reconcile and not to divide, to love and not to hate, to heal and not to kill” (503). We must accept that we are all living in one house, the American house.

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