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One of Mill’s main arguments is that disagreement among members of society leads to truth and progress and is therefore positive and necessary. His discussion of this topic begins in the second chapter when he talks about opinions. He maintains that opinions are valuable whether they are true, partly true, or false. This statement assumes that objective truth exists in human affairs and insists that humans may approach it if they rigorously debate, consider alternative viewpoints, and revise standpoints. Mill writes, “[T]he peculiar evil of silencing the expression of an opinion is, that it is robbing the human race, posterity as well as the existing generation; those who dissent from the opinion, still more than those who hold it” (14). In talking about present generations and generations to come, Mill establishes that the stakes of stifling opinions are very high. Mill continues, “If the opinion is right, they are deprived of the opportunity of exchanging error for truth; if wrong, they lose, what is almost as great a benefit, the clearer perception and livelier impression of truth, produced by its collision with error” (14). This means that truth can be clarified by exposing falsehoods surrounding it. Opinions, therefore, might establish or augment truths, or help to illuminate them by comparison. According to Mill, the latter effect is as important as the former possibilities.
Disagreement and alternate opinions, however, are uncomfortable for people by nature. Mill roots that pattern in human nature. People, he explains, tend to believe themselves infallible. He says, “All silencing of discussion is an assumption of infallibility” (15). Such an assumption is limiting to societal progress. Mill wants people to overcome this assumption so that they might have more productive discussions that could lead to more complete truths.
Mill returns to the benefit of discussion and discourse at the end of the essay when he considers whether or not states should try to actively provide benefits for members of society by eliminating some decision-making. Because people have different preferences, strengths, and goals, they disagree on the best ways to pursue success in any realm of life or being. Governments should not prescribe paths or decisions, nor should they produce subjects that do not rigorously think for themselves. Eliminating disagreement and discussion produced people that are more like machines than humans with faculties for reason and self-expression. “The mischief begins,” Mill concludes, “when, instead of calling forth the activity and powers of individuals and bodies, [a state] substitutes its own activity for theirs” (97). Public communication, challenges, and discussions are necessary requirements for avoiding this “mischief” and ensuring positive social change and progress.
Mill writes with urgency about liberty because he fears that society moves towards restricting it rather than protecting it. He writes that states have consolidated and expanded powers that, whether intentionally or not, encourage conformity and quash individuality—each person’s rightful exercise of their personal thoughts, impulses, and desires. For example, he says, “The greatness of England is now all collective: […] But it was men of another stamp than this that made England what it has been, and men of another stamp will be needed to prevent its decline” (58). Full liberty of thought and personal actions, in Mill’s view, created and will create these “men of another stamp.”
Mill’s rule for state intervention into personal acts hinges on the concept of public harm. He sums up his argument:
The maxims are, first, that the individual is not accountable to society for his actions, in so far as these concern the interests of no person but himself […] Secondly, that for such actions as are prejudicial to the interests of others, the individual is accountable, and may be subjected either to social or to legal punishment, if society is of opinion that the one or the other is requisite for its protection (79).
When there is threat or easily observable direct harm caused by a person’s actions, society can rightfully intervene and prevent or ameliorate the harm. Public opinion of what is proper or typically practiced is not a legitimate justification for state involvement. Unless the harm is significant, there should be no state interference. For minor inconveniences, “the inconvenience is one which society can afford to bear, for the sake of the greater good of human freedom” (69). Mill often places emphasis on individual freedom and restricting state involvement.
Mill outlines specific areas of harm that invite, in his view, reasonable state intervention. Many of the most significant areas for regulations surround children. Mill believes that to refuse a child an education is to do active harm to society as a whole (89). He advocates for mandatory education. However, because he has previously acknowledged that people do not all benefit from the same approaches to learning, and because he distrusts powerful governments, he thinks there should be variety of available education options. In Mill’s view, society beyond a child’s parents should ensure that that child is being raised in a way that will foster their growth as a safe, educated individual. The topic of childrearing is the area where Mill advocates for the highest degree of state involvement based on the most abstract definition of harm.
Mill also approves of regulations such as taxes, fines, and probation, as long as they are not arbitrary or designed to promote a certain state goal that alienates its citizens. Mill’s greatest concern is protecting liberty, but liberty has specific parameters.
Now considered one of the most problematic elements of On Liberty, Mill’s definition of liberty itself depends on basic assumptions about the human faculty for thought, reason, and expression that not all humans possess. These assumptions rank certain demographics above others. Specifically, Mill returns to children and “barbarians” to explain limits of human liberty.
Since growing out of youth involves a process of maturation, Mill notes that children do not possess fully developed senses of morality and are not equipped to make all of their decisions for themselves. Children depend on parents for most decision-making and resources. Mill, however, does not grant full functional ownership of children to their parents, instead allowing society to step in and ensure every child’s access to education, lest they become uneducated adults who apparently burden society. “Those who are still in a state to require being taken care of by others,” he writes, “must be protected against their own actions as well as against external injury” (8). Once they reach “the age which the law may fix as that of manhood or womanhood,” they should be able to make their own decisions and be held accountable for whatever harm they might cause to others in society (8).
It is not just children to whom Mill applies this logic, however. He continues in the same paragraph just cited:
For the same reason, we may leave out of consideration those backward states of society in which the race itself may be considered as in its nonage. The early difficulties in the way of spontaneous progress are so great, that there is seldom any choice of means for overcoming them; and a ruler full of the spirit of improvement is warranted in the use of any expedients that will attain an end, perhaps otherwise unattainable. Despotism is a legitimate mode of government in dealing with barbarians, provided the end be their improvement, and the means justified by actually effecting that end (8).
There are several crucial components of this statement. First, Mill assumes that societies progress over time from barbarous states to civilized ones. Many intellectuals of the 19th century thought this way, and the implication was that countries like England represented the pinnacle of social evolution while others—typically people of color—trailed behind and should be encouraged, or even compelled, to emulate “civilized” society for their own benefit. Mill says explicitly that despotic rule aimed at “improving” cultures and societies is warranted, even though he also asserts that despotism in a place like England would be an unacceptable oppression of basic rights and freedoms.
This line of thinking also directly equates children and cultures/societies/races that white intellectuals considered “barbarians.” This is a racist idea that renders the concept of liberty exclusive rather than universal.
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