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51 pages 1 hour read

Cultish: The Language of Fanaticism

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2023

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Part 4, Chapters 17-22Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 4, Chapter 17 Summary

Montell can’t help but roll her eyes when Becca Manners, a popular girl who attended Montell’s school, hawks multi-level marketing (MLM) company Optavia’s wellness products on Facebook. MLMs, “the legally loopholed sibling of pyramid schemes,” largely target nonworking women using the same tactics as direct-marketing agencies in the 1940s, which promise women financial freedom and empowerment (157). MLMs notably prey upon women who might feel isolated or who have experienced trauma, like Montell’s best friend, Esther, who overcame Hodgkin’s lymphoma and is recruited by MLMs regularly. They sell the promise of hope, the American Dream, through financial independence and a viable alternative to the grind of traditional American employment, but instead rely on a pyramid structure that requires members to purchase a starter kit and fulfill a recruitment quota. If a member of the MLM doesn’t meet their goals, it’s seen as their shortcoming rather than anything to do with the company or product. This gaslighting and culpability of followers is reinforced by the overly positive language used. Becca Manners acknowledges that Optavia is a cult and agrees to chat with Montell.

Part 4, Chapter 18 Summary

MLM speech is characterized by toxic positivity. Amway, one of the biggest MLMs, uses rhetoric to discourage critical thought, calling anything that questions the group or contributes to gossip “stinkin’ thinkin’” (170). Another famous MLM is Earl Tupper’s Tupperware, which was founded in the 1950s after World War II, when many women lived in suburbia and wanted to work. While direct-sales industries first targeted primarily white stay-at-home moms, they have found ways to tap into other groups who don’t have access to the mainstream labor market, like immigrants and students. Mormons also know the importance of direct sales and engage in this practice. This desire for self-sufficiency and entrepreneurship through serious effort comes from the Protestant ethic of hard work and the idea of merit permeating professional culture. In this way, MLMs are intertwined with religions. These beliefs even inform storytelling styles in popular culture, like the prominent theme of rags-to-riches.

Part 4, Chapter 19 Summary

Becca catalogs her experience with Optavia. She knows it is a scam, but she needs the money. She began because she wanted to lose weight after the stress of her husband having blood cancer, quitting smoking, and suffering from depression. Her mother-in-law offered her the opportunity to be a coach with Optavia if she posted pictures of her weight-loss journey on social media. Becca saw this as a win-win, but she now notes some of the questionable practices of the company, like being unable to state what company it is on social media, forcing trauma bonding on members, and offering members authoritative titles for which they aren’t fully qualified, like “health coach” (185).

Companies like Mary Kay, another MLM, use the models established in earlier direct-sales industries, like the idea of a Husband Awareness Plan that lets women purchase items in discreet ways to avoid their husbands knowing.

Amway, like many other MLMs, forges a culture of codependence that makes workers feel like they really love and support each other, but once a member leaves, that bond completely falls away, and members realize they were never really seen or loved for who they are.

Part 4, Chapter 20 Summary

Some people may be more prone to joining MLMs than others due to differences in gullibility, impulsivity, and thinking. There are two major kinds of thinking for the purposes of this discussion: System 1 thinking, which is immediate and relies on instinct, and System 2 thinking, which is slower, more calculated, and deliberating. Some people, like Montell, can sniff out a cultish group like an MLM with System 1 thinking, but she attributes these strong instincts to her experiences growing up rather than her intelligence. Obviously, it makes sense that people who rely on System 1 thinking without experiences like Montell’s could be impulsive and jump into something without realizing how cultish it is. However, there is also the case of people who carefully deliberate on the idea using System 2 thinking and still decide to join a cultish group, like an MLM. This isn’t purely a matter of intelligence or poor decision-making but a matrix of life experiences and idealistic views that could slant a person into making the wrong choice, even after careful consideration.

Part 4, Chapter 21 Summary

MLMs are structured like corporations: The people at the top benefit most, while those at the bottom struggle. This comparison isn’t one-to-one, but there are similarities between MLMs and traditional companies in the exploitation of the American Dream—specifically the belief that with enough hard work, anyone can climb the ladder to success, and if a person doesn’t, it is a reflection of their own shortcomings rather than the company’s. These notions are instilled in both MLMs and corporations through language. The subject of many jokes, corporate-speak is a language of its own that mirrors the mood of the time, with concepts like “bandwidth” and “taking this offline” reflective of the current technologies and social ideals. Not all companies that use corporate-speak and/or jargon are problematic, as sometimes highly specific language is necessary in a field to convey ideas effectively and precisely. Still, some large corporations can operate with cultish mentalities, like Amazon, which forces employees to recite its ideals using specific language, awarding the most successful a passphrase, while expecting employees to operate under harsh conditions. Montell argues that in the United States, many corporations are just a few rungs away from “the star-spangled MLM” of American capitalism (199).

Part 4, Chapter 22 Summary

MLMs haven’t been without their legal challenges. In the 1970s, there was an attempt to regulate MLMs, starting with the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) challenging Holiday Magic, a cosmetic MLM. After the FTC successfully shut down Holiday Magic based on evidence of abuses of power and similarities in governance to pyramid schemes, the FTC attempted to bring charges against Amway, which was headed by Jay Van Andel and Rich DeVos, who had deep ties to conservative heads of state. When the FTC lost its case against Amway in 1979, other MLMs defended themselves using Amway’s strategy of portraying MLMs as business ventures. This case has dissuaded the prosecution of other such companies and cemented MLMs’ ability to shield themselves from accusations of being scams by enshrining legal protections for the direct-sales industry.

Part 4, Chapters 17-22 Analysis

Jumping from Part 3’s focus on controversial religious cults like Scientology to Part 4’s emphasis on multi-level marketing (MLM) companies may seem like an overzealous leap, but Montell, through metaphor and analogies, bridges the gap between the cultish language used by controversial religious groups and the jargon and techniques of MLMs.

To achieve this, Montell offers insight into how the Protestant work ethic that founded America also founded some of its most troubling myths, like how if a person works hard enough, they will be successful, therefore those without success must not be working hard enough. In other words, she takes on the American Dream, which is precisely what MLMs target: the idea that, with enough of a positive attitude and hard work, anyone can hustle their way into happiness and financial freedom/independence. After explaining how MLMs serve those at the top, Montell shows how the intense pressure to not let one’s recruiter, the person “upline,” down, which results in situations where “you might end up just buying all the inventory personally and eating the cost, with your eyes fixed firmly on the prize: to ascend the company’s structure, a geometric shape that would certainly never be described as a pyramid, but instead maybe a ‘ladder’ with ‘rungs’” (163). This tongue-in-cheek shape metaphor targets the myth of the proverbial success ladder, whether within an MLM or within a corporation. For those few to have success, there necessarily must be a larger portion of people who do not.

Members of MLMs fight back against this comparison with circular reasoning, asserting that they aren’t in pyramid schemes because those are illegal, to which Montell offers the following analogy: “[S]imply saying something is illegal doesn’t mean it’s not real or that you’re not involved. You can’t rob a bank and then, when accused, just say, ‘I didn’t do it, robbing banks is illegal’ to prove your innocence” (160). This analogy provides a simple, clear, and straightforward way of dismantling the argument that ignorance exempts MLMs from the law, though Montell goes a lot further than suggesting their structure is a result of mere ignorance. Rather, it is a system enabled by the victory of Amway, which likely defeated the courts due to its seat deep within the pockets of the United States government.

The final comparison Montell makes, a simile, drives home the link between dangerous cults like Scientology and MLMs: “Like most destructive ‘cults,’ they’re in the business of selling the transcendent promise of something that doesn’t actually exist. And their commodity isn’t merchandise, it’s rhetoric” (167). The glue that binds these disparate parts together is their shared linguistic qualities. Though the exact phrases, tone, and speech patterns differ vastly from group to group, they share the same qualities of relying on thought-terminating clichés and gaslighting followers into questioning their understanding of the world to the point of relying on higher-ups to show them the way.

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