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Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1990

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Part 3, Chapters 10-12Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 3: “Black Feminism, Knowledge, and Power”

Part 3, Chapter 10 Summary: “U.S. Black Feminism in Transnational Context”

Chapter 10 places Black feminist thought in the US in a transnational context, an approach new to the 2002 edition of Black Feminist Thought (xi). Collins argues that Black women’s experiences show marked similarities across national borders and that these similarities relate to the legacy of colonialism and its attending racial, ethnic, sexist, and class biases. Colonialism created a gendered apartheid system defined by the exploitation of Black women’s labor. Placing Black American women’s experiences in a transnational context highlights the interconnectedness of Black women’s experiences and provides new insights into US Black feminism as a social justice project.

White American women and Black American men have influenced the construction of Black feminism in the US, the former taking a maternalistic stance toward Black women, the latter a paternalistic one. Collins eschews the concerns of these groups and urges Black feminists to address the shared concerns of Black women around the world. African women participated in anticolonial struggles to create Black-run nation-states in Africa. Collins considers these movements analogous to the work Black women did in the US worked to demand equal rights during the civil rights movement. New concerns have since come to the fore, notably, Black women’s poverty and its relation to neocolonialism (in a global context) and racial segregation (in a US context). A Black diasporic perspective is key to developing a common agenda between US Black feminism, African feminism, and the feminisms advanced by other women of African descent. As a medium that transcends barriers of language and literacy, Collins regards film as an important vehicle for developing this common agenda.

Although motherhood, work, and family responsibilities are important, the key commonality between Black women across national borders is poverty. Economic policies aimed at alleviating debt in developing countries have increased Black women’s poverty. These policies have two overarching objectives: to reduce consumption and increase production. Governments cut public services, increase the price of essential goods and services, and exploit women’s labor, increasing unemployment and poverty and fueling social problems such as violence, drugs, and adolescent pregnancy. Dominant groups in developed nations blame women for having too many children. Collins draws parallels between this narrative and the one surrounding poor Black American women, who are also blamed for their poverty and presented as unworthy of government entitlements. This narrative of personal responsibility glosses over the underlying reasons for Black women’s poverty worldwide, namely, the lack of economic opportunities and gender-specific responsibilities that prevent women from working. The social problems that result from poverty in the US mirror those of developing countries.

Developing transversal politics, that is, emphasizing coalition building across diverse groups, is central to Black feminist thought. Transversal politics rethinks the frameworks used to understand and change the world, replacing “either/or” with “both/and.” Further, it allows groups to be oppressors in some contexts and disadvantaged in others. Transversal politics also stress the fluidity of boundaries and experiences, and the importance of self-definition in relation to other groups. No group can define itself in isolation. Moreover, no group can resist oppression on its own. Although coalitions are not possible with all groups, coalition building is central to transversal politics and ending the intersecting oppression of Black women.

Part 3, Chapter 11 Summary: “Black Feminist Epistemology”

In contrast to earlier editions, the 2002 edition of Black Feminist Thought highlights the connections between knowledge and power relations, a point Collins makes in the Preface to the Second Edition (xi). Nowhere is this connection more evident than in Chapter 11, which focuses on Black feminist epistemology, or an overarching theory of Black feminist knowledge. Collins describes Black feminist thought as subjugated knowledge, that is, knowledge that has been suppressed by the social institutions of white men. Competing epistemologies raise questions about who to trust and what to believe. In the US, the institutions that legitimate knowledge, such as schools, the government, and the media, have traditionally prioritized and validated Eurocentric knowledge. Black women have long-produced knowledge that counters that of the white elite, generating competing knowledge claims. However, white male academics have largely rejected or ignored this knowledge. Black women have been excluded from positions of authority in institutions—such as universities—that legitimate knowledge. Those who work in academia face rejection on epistemological grounds. In short, they may know something is true by standards accepted among Black women, but they are unable to legitimate their claims using dominant scholarly norms.

Collins argues that lived experience is central to Black feminist epistemology. Survival as a Black woman requires knowledge about intersecting oppressions. Black women give high credence to this knowledge. Collins draws a distinction between knowledge and wisdom, defining the former as derived from books and the latter as grounded in experience. For many Black women, lived experience lends credence to knowledge. Thus, even after mastering dominant epistemologies, Black women intellectuals draw on lived experience in their work. Black women find institutional support for valuing lived experience in their families, churches, and other woman-centered organizations—communal institutions that stand as a counterweight to dominant institutions. They assess this knowledge via dialogue with other community members, a practice that has African roots. Connectedness, then, is central to assessing these knowledge claims. The source of the knowledge is equally important. Words cannot be divorced from the people who create and share them. To have credence, words must come from the heart. This ethics of caring, which is rooted in African humanism, permeates Black civil society, notably, the call-and-response structure of Black church services. Personal accountability also characterizes Black feminist epistemology. Individuals must develop knowledge through dialogue, present the knowledge in a way that conveys their concern for the ideas, and take accountability for their knowledge claims. Some Black feminist thinkers have adopted white male epistemologies and rejected Black feminist epistemology. However, most operate within both systems. Black feminist epistemology enriches our understanding of the ways in which subordinate groups create knowledge that supports empowerment and social justice. Alternative knowledge claims rarely threaten conventional knowledge because they are typically ignored or marginalized. By contrast, alternative epistemologies are highly threatening because they challenge the basic process used by dominant groups to legitimate knowledge claims. As Collins observes, questioning the epistemology used to validate knowledge brings all knowledge claims validated by this model into question.

Part 3, Chapter 12 Summary: “Toward the Politics of Empowerment”

Chapter 12 examines how power is organized and operates to develop a politics of empowerment. Group power can result from a dialectical relationship between oppression and activism. Power also circulates within matrixes of domination, placing individuals in varying relationships of power and subjugation. The position of Black women within intersecting oppressions is constantly shifting, prompting changes in Black women’s thoughts and actions. These changes, alongside the dialectical relationship between oppression and activism, can profoundly impact power relations.

Collins argues that matrixes of domination are organized into four interrelated domains of power: structural, disciplinary, hegemonic, and interpersonal. The reproduction of Black women’s subordination through social institutions belongs to the structural domain. This includes the exclusion of Black women from the best schools, jobs, housing, and health care. Individuals and groups cannot become empowered without first engendering institutional change. Historically, this type of change has occurred through activist movements, wars, and revolutions. In addition to participating in public activism, Black women use various strategies to bring about institutional change. Some lobby for changes in their workplaces, while others help bring about legal changes through boycotts and sit-ins. Despite the outlawing of racial, gender, age, and other forms of discrimination, the rhetoric of racial color-blindness has perpetuated oppression. By treating individuals equally, color-blindness fails to account for past discrimination and discrimination in other arenas. As Collins notes, color-blindness camouflages racial and gender discrimination while allowing white men to reinscribe racial and gender hierarchies.

Whereas the structural domain of power organizes oppression, the disciplinary domain manages it. Laws change, but so do the institutions they regulate. As Black women enter new spheres, organizations find new ways to suppress them. Key among these are bureaucratic hierarchies that discipline and control their workforces and clients. Surveillance is central to bureaucratic control. A form of voyeurism, bureaucratic surveillance includes the supervision of workers by managers and the use of cameras in prisons and various workplaces. Black women have developed innovative ways of fostering bureaucratic change by capitalizing on small opportunities to make their workplaces more equitable.

The hegemonic domain of power deals with ideology, culture, and consciousness. This domain justifies oppression in the structural and disciplinary domains by manipulating ideology and culture. Dominant groups create and maintain systems to support their right to rule, present ideologies of domination as ‘commonsense’ ideas. Schools, churches, the media, and other institutions manufacture ideologies that oppress Black women. For example, schools exclude Black women as subjects of study; religious teachings promote the subjugation of women to men; and the media broadcasts controlling images of Black women. These ideas are continuously refashioned to support matrixes of domination. Resistance requires reversing these processes by crafting counter-hegemonic knowledge that changes consciousness. Black women have resisted hegemony and rearticulated their standpoint as a group through their relationships to each other and through their artistic traditions, such as writing and blues.

The interpersonal domain of power pertains to lived experience and individual consciousness. Most people can identify their victimization in major systems of oppression. However, oppression also operates at the micro level in day-to-day practices, such as being followed in stores or dealing with unconscious bias at school or in the workplace. Because these practices are routinized, they often go unnoticed. Resistance within this domain is often creative, small, and unobtrusive.

Collins argues that rethinking Black feminism as a social justice project requires developing complex notions of empowerment. Attending to intersecting oppressions offers opportunities to identify linkages in oppressions, which, in turn, can foster empowerment both in the US and in a transnational context. Individual empowerment is essential, but only group action can generate the institutional changes needed for social justice.

Part 3, Chapters 10-12 Analysis

Part 3 of Black Feminist Thought addresses the interrelated issues of Black diasporic feminism, Black feminist epistemology, and the politics of empowerment. As in previous sections, Collins draws on diverse sources to support her arguments. In Chapter 10, for example, she situates Black US feminism within a transnational context with a discussion of film. Femmes Aux Yeux Ouverts (Women with Open Eyes), a documentary made in Togo in 1994, is central to this discussion. The film describes the development of a Black women’s consciousness: “Togolese women speak of how their eyes had formerly been closed but how their political consciousness as women is changing” (237). The women in the film provide sophisticated political analyses and outline the actions they’ve taken to engender change. Their process of political awakening and communal activism mirrors movements for Resistance to Oppression and the Empowerment of Black Women in the US and elsewhere. Similarly, Everyone’s Child, a film made in Zimbabwe in 1996, addresses the impact of AIDS on an African teenager, a topic that resonates with the health concerns Black American mothers have for their children. As Collins notes, film is an ideal medium for conveying information to women of different social classes, including those who cannot read.

Collins draws other parallels between Black women in developing countries and Black women in the US. Key among these is poverty. While not all Black women in the US are poor, Black women collectively face higher rates of poverty than the general population. Collins links Black women’s poverty in the US to the poverty faced by Black women in the developing world, noting that cuts to social welfare make hunger a pressing concern for US Black women: “There is no famine, but as the growing numbers of families who visit soup kitchens suggest, there may be hunger” (238). Black women inside and outside the US are not just linked by their experience of poverty, but also by outsiders’ perceptions of their poverty. Black women around the world are blamed for their poverty and presented as unworthy of help. Collins addressed this issue in an American context with her discussion of the welfare mother in Chapter 4. In Chapter 10, she broadens her perspective on Controlling Images and the Intersectional Oppression of Black Women by quoting the work of Ama Ada Aidoo, who describes how Western media has created a new controlling image of African womanhood:

The image of the African woman in the mind of the world has been set: she is breeding too many children she cannot take care of, and for whom she should not expect other people to pick up the tab. She is hungry, and so are her children. In fact, it has become a cliché of Western photojournalism that the African woman is old beyond her years; she is half-naked, her drooped and withered breasts are well exposed; there are flies buzzing around the faces of her children; and she has a permanent begging bowl in her hand (241).

Collins supports the development of a transnational Black feminist agenda to address the common concerns of the Black diaspora. In addition to pervasive poverty and hunger, transnational Black feminism must address the abuses of rulers. For Africans, this pertains to colonialism and its legacy: “The African woman today is concerned […] with overcoming the problems of foreign domination/rule […]” (237). For Americans, the problem of bad rulers relates to the police: “U.S. Black women are also engaged in overcoming problems of foreign rule and war, but the ‘foreigners’ in the U.S. context are the police. This issue of misuse of police authority against African-Americans, especially against Black men, reemerges as an important concern of U.S. Black women” (238). Collins references the work of Leith Mullings, a Black women anthropologist, to support this claim.: “The women interviewed by Leith Mullings (1997) who feared for their children’s lives in Harlem certainly feel as though they live in a war zone” (238).

Collins draws on diverse sources and examples to explain Black feminist epistemology, a theory of knowledge that prioritizes the lived experiences of Black women. White, heterosexual, affluent men typically suppress or ignore the knowledge claims of oppressed groups. The competing narratives about Thomas Jefferson and the enslaved Sally Hemmings, exemplify this tendency. Several of Hemmings’s descendants claimed that Jefferson fathered her children, in contrast to Jefferson’s white descendants, who contested this claim until DNA testing proved them wrong (252). As Collins notes, however, alternate knowledge rarely threatens conventional knowledge because it is generally ignored. By contrast, alternative epistemologies challenge the basic processes dominant groups use to validate knowledge claims: “If the epistemology used to validate knowledge comes into question, then all prior knowledge claims validated under the dominant model become suspect” (271). The power of Black feminist epistemology, then lies not in the alternative knowledge claims it engenders, but in its challenge to certified knowledge. To quote Collins, Black feminist epistemology “opens up the question of whether what has been taken to be true can stand the test of alternative ways of validating truth. The existence of a self-defined Black woman’s standpoint […] calls into question the content of what currently passes as truth and simultaneously challenges the process of arriving at that truth” (271).

Collins finds parallels between Black feminist epistemology and African practices, validating her transnational approach to Black feminism. Black feminist epistemology centers the lived experiences of Black women and validates knowledge claims via dialogue. According to Collins, the importance of connectedness and dialogue in assessing knowledge claims has African roots. Traditional African societies valued harmony and gained power primarily through family and community. Dialogue allowed this to happen. The centrality of dialogue to Black American women recalls African-based oral traditions, when enslaved Black people validated knowledge orally. Collins quotes Ruth Shays’s description of this oral validation process: “The foreparents found the truth because they listened and they made people tell their part many times. Most often you can hear a lie” (261). The ethic of caring also connects Black feminist epistemology is to African traditions. This ethic emphasizes not just emotions and empathy in knowledge validation, but also individual uniqueness. African humanism also stresses individual uniqueness: “Each individual is thought to be a unique expression of a common spirit, power, or energy inherent in all life” (263).

Collins draws on her personal experiences throughout her book. These anecdotes not only draw readers in, but also demonstrate a central feature of Black feminist epistemology, namely, the importance of personal experience in creating and validating knowledge claims. In Chapter 12, Collins argues that changes in ideas and actions can change the shape of power. She supports this argument with an anecdote about her education:

When my mother taught me to read, took me to the public library when I was five, and told me that if I learned to read, I could experience a form of freedom, neither she nor I saw the magnitude of that one action of my life and the lives that my work has subsequently touched (275).

Collins draws on lived experiences later in the chapter, in her discussion of the disciplinary domain of power and bureaucratic control. Resisting this type of control requires capitalizing on small opportunities, a process Collins explains with an anecdote:

An African-American colleague of mine once referred to this process as one of viewing her university as an egg and her job as one of ‘working the cracks’. From a distance, each egg appears to be smooth and seamless, but, upon closer inspection, each egg’s distinctive patterns of almost invisible cracks become visible. Her insider administrative position granted her a view of higher education not as a well-oiled bureaucracy that was impervious to change, but as a series of cracks and fissures that represented organizational weakness. As she described it, she was committed to ‘working the cracks’ and changing her workplace by persistent use of her insider knowledge concerning its pressure points (282).

Collins returns to her personal experiences at the end of Chapter 12, the last of her book. She describes being concerned after her five-year-old daughter received a playdate invitation from a white classmate: “I wondered what type of reception our daughter would receive in his home” (288). Collins’s anxieties faded when the boy brought a bald, Black Cabbage Patch doll to school: “With this one, small act, this mother took a stand against racism, sexism, and heterosexism in a way that took courage for this region of the United States” (288). Collins shares this anecdote to show that Resistance to Oppression and the Empowerment of Black Women can come in many forms, “illustrat[ing] one of many unobtrusive yet creative ways that all sorts of ordinary people work to change the world around them” (288).

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